Water is in short supply in much of the world - but what if we use seawater? It's been a dream for many years, but now technology is making it possible. This new seawater greenhouse uses a clever cardboard design to distill fresh water from salt water cheaply and efficiently. It's helping grow crops in Somaliland, and could help stop the water crisis in Africa and other parts of the world that are susceptible to drought. The founder of Seawater Greenhouse, Charlie Paton, explains how unlike traditional greenhouses - which are hothouses - this one is a "cool house" that is ideal for growing temperate crops in deserts or other hot, arid regions. What do you think? Will this succeed at turning desert into farmland? What other projects have caught your eye?

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To mark 25 yrs of democracy, SABCNews rebroadcasts its first-ever pre-election debate, between Nelson Mandela & FW De Klerk on 14 April 1994. In studio are Profs @somadodafikeni and Susan Boysen with Freek Robinson who facilitated the debate. #SABCNewsChannel


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During his 1990 visit to Atlanta, Nelson Mandela spoke at Morehouse College's Martin Luther King Jr. International Chapel.

Mandela’s inaugural speech was centred on the people of South Africa and the appreciation of the world’s commitment to fight the apartheid regime.

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⁣Why to prune - The idea behind small mango trees

THIS IS A DEMONSTRATION. THIS IS HOW THEY DID IT TWO CENTURIES AGO. NOW THEY BUY THEIR IRON IMPORTED FROM CHINA, JUST AS WE DO. Smelting iron from ore by a smith family in West Africa. The only complete, high quality video of iron smelting in Africa. Making charcoal, digging ore and flux, building the kiln, firing the kiln, sacrifices, smelting the iron, forging the iron into tools. With Chinese subtitles. A CULTURAL RECREATION !! THIS WAS DONE FOR ME TO FILM. THEY DO NOT SMELT IRON LIKE THIS ANYMORE.

Deadly Diamonds (2009): Could Zimbabwe be suspended from the global diamond trade in the aftermath of the massacre at the Marange diamonds fields?

Did Robert Mugabe’s security forces seize control of a lucrative diamond field by gunning down hundreds of miners? With shocking evidence now uncovered, Zimbabwe's diamond trade faces suspension."We were told here are the guns, sitting in the truck, do you want to stay?" says Andrew Cranswick, CEO of the mining company who owns the rights to mine diamonds in Marange. After his company was evicted, the Marange fields were opened up to the people and tens of thousands of Zimbabweans came to dig, paying the police a commission. Yet the police didn't always play fair - "$15 million worth of diamonds were confiscated", says one former miner and soon the police were replaced by Mugabe's own military. "Mugabe needed a way to buy the loyalty of the army" says Ken Roth, "the military were ordered to kill".In the first week of November, helicopter gunships launched a massacre on the Marange diamond fields. Evidence has been collected of 200 deaths. Those who weren't killed were raped or crippled. "They told us if we wanted to go home we had to sleep with the men", says one woman, "the soldiers watched and laughed". Next month, the Kimberley process, the international body charged with stopping trade in conflict diamonds, will decide whether Zimbabwe should be suspended. Yet with many Western governments involved in Zimbabwe's diamond trade, a former delegate of the Kimberley process believes this deadly business may yet be protected.

The Gambia is one of Africa's smallest, most impoverished and least developed countries, with many of its 2 million inhabitants heavily reliant on subsistence farming and with a youth unemployment rate of around 40 percent. It is inevitable then that migration to seek work and support families back home has long been a regular way of life.

For decades, remittances have accounted for as much as 20 percent of the country's gross domestic product (GDP), one of the highest rates in the world of a country's dependence on funding from its diaspora.

But in recent years, the number of youth leaving the country has soared. Despairing of The Gambia's political and economic situation (which until 2017 was frozen under the dictatorial regime of now deposed President Yahya Jammeh) many lost hope in the future and began looking for a way out; encouraged by the apparent success of some earlier migrants who had sent money back home and painted a rosy picture of life in Europe on social media.

In 2011 Libya's civil war opened a new gateway, albeit a highly dangerous one, for human traffic out of North Africa to Europe and tens of thousands of young Gambians attempted the journey. Since then, Gambians have consistently been in the top 10 nationalities attempting to take boats across the Mediterranean.

Tragically many have died in the process. Others who have made it to Europe have struggled in the face of racism, discrimination and increasingly tough EU regulations to deter economic migrants from staying.

Now some of these have returned home - either disillusioned that their dreams of a prosperous new life came to nothing, or, in the worst cases, deeply traumatised by the experience - and they are determined to discourage others from following the same path.

Living in a poor country with one of the worst doctor-patient ratios in the world - about one for every 24,000 people - it's perhaps no surprise that many Ugandans are tempted by alternative remedies, even though there's often little evidence to support the claims made about their efficacy in treating or preventing disease. But the phenomenon does beg many questions, not least of which are who is really benefiting from the sale of these products and how exactly are they marketed?

We'd heard reports about one particularly controversial business, a complex multi-level marketing scheme run in Uganda under the aegis of a Chinese company called Tiens, which produces food supplements.

Its products, we'd been told, were being inappropriately sold as medications - in some cases for very serious diseases. We had also heard disturbing claims that its sales representatives, or "distributors" as they are known, were being invited to invest large sums of money in Tiens products, when in reality there was little chance of most of them ever making the kind of dazzling returns that the company promised.

So we sent a filmmaking team and Ugandan reporter Halima Athumani to investigate further.

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In 2011 Cote d'Ivoire - or Ivory Coast as it is known in the english speaking world - was torn apart by inter-community violence that broke out between supporters of newly elected President Ouattara and his predecessor Laurent Gbagbo. It was the latest round in a bitter ethnic struggle that had wrought havoc in this former French colony for a decade. Three thousand people were killed; more than a million, from both side, were displaced.

The fighting was only brought to an end with the help of French and UN troops who intervened on Ouattara's side. Today the government says its aim is to lay these tensions to rest and return to the peace and stability that once made Cote D'Ivoire one of the most prosperous nations in West Africa.

But although violence has indeed diminished abd the country is enjoying a degree of economic success, dangerous ethnic and political rivalries still simmer. Last years saw protests over constitutional reforms aimed at preventing the exclusion of presidential candidates based on their ethnicity, and in January a pay dispute involving the army broke out into a short lived mutiny.

The country's former president Laurent Gbagbo, who still commands support in parts of the country, is currently on trial at the International Criminal Court for crimes allegedly committed before and during the election conflict six years ago. But while Gbagbo faces justice at the Hague and some of his followers have been already been jailed back home, it seems that no Ouattara followers have yet been prosecuted.

People & Power sent filmmaker Victoria Baux to the west of the country where pro-Gbagbo communities were savagely targeted by pro-Ouattara forces during the violence of 2011.

We wanted to find out why the government's promises to provide impartial justice to the victims hadn't yet been kept. We also wanted to investigate disturbing claims about ethnic attacks that took place well after President Ouattara came to power - events that, it's been alleged, were witnessed by UN peacekeeping troops who failed to intervene.


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