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Four years after stepping up as a 34-year-old army captain to rescue a nation on the brink, Ibrahim Traore has fundamentally transformed Burkina Faso. Marking his milestone fourth anniversary—a tenure echoing the legendary leadership and anti-imperialist defiance of Thomas Sankara—Traore has systematically dismantled neocolonial dependencies, expelled foreign troops, and forged the Alliance of Sahel States to secure true regional sovereignty. Moving far beyond political rhetoric, Traore’s vision is actively reshaping Burkina Faso's economy from the ground up. By inaugurating the country’s first state-owned gold refinery, rolling out massive domestic textile complexes to process local cotton, and manufacturing home-grown defence fleet vehicles, his government is ensuring that national wealth stays firmly in African hands. While facing ongoing security challenges from extremist insurgencies and firmly rejecting external pressures over democratic timelines, Traore has proven to the world that a sovereign, self-reliant revolution is not just a dream of the past—it is happening right now. Alyson Le Grange brings you more on this story on Firstpost Africa.

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In Senegal, traditional wrestling has its roots in the culture and community of rural villages, particularly among the Serer people.

What began as tribal preparations for battle developed into village ritual and soon a form of entertainment. Men traditionally fought at village festivals after the harvest season as a way of attracting women, proving their virility and bringing honour to their communities.

But in the past 50 years, traditional Senegalese wrestling has grown exponentially to become a major national sport for both men and women - with celebrity fighters competing for big prize money, in large stadia and in front of thousands of fans.

"We can say that it is not just a sport," says sociologist Aly Tandian. "It has always been a socially stimulating factor in the Senegalese society."

"Today, there are villages that have become well known in all of Senegal because they have given birth to great wrestlers," he adds.

Today, the professional wrestlers at major events - like "Bombardier" and Eumeu Sene - are household names, winning over $80,000 a fight.

Up-and-coming fighters like "Lacrymogene", who we meet in this film, win more modest sums - from a few to a few hundred dollars. But the winnings mean that for some of the poorest Senegalese, wrestling can genuinely represent a means of clawing their way out of poverty.

Traditional wrestling is part of a wider phenomenon of combat sports in West Africa, including in countries like Gambia, Guinea and Gabon. In Senegal, the sport has attracted both genders, with the women's game now popular and well respected in its own right.

Olympic fighter Isabelle Sambou has won the African Championships nine times. Safiato Biola has competed in women's events in Europe and North Africa, and Anta Sambou says winning three golds at the 2017 Francophone Games has built her confidence and transformed her life.

"Wrestling is part of our culture," says Isabelle.

"If you wrestle when you're young, you can wrestle through your whole childhood, and as an adult you can still wrestle. Especially the girls, don't be afraid of a wrestler."

"I love my achievements so much that it has made me stronger," she says. "I also represent a force in my village, and that has made me reach the top."

In this film, we explore the popularity of traditional wrestling among Senegalese fighters and fans alike, men and women, urban and rural - from small village festivals to arena events in the capital, Dakar.

We look at wrestling as an expression of pride and cultural identity but also to show how sport - at even the lowest levels - can mean the difference for some between modest, local success and a miserable existence on the margins of society.

As Tandian says, "There are certain places, like the suburbs of Dakar, where young people only have two options: wrestling or leaving the country."

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It means when we were kids
The words of the Nubian poet
Mohiuddin Sharif
Singing the ambassador of the Nubian musician
Hamza Alaeddin
And it tells about the nostalgia of the displacement of Nubia in northern Sudan and southern Egypt
A work of art, rewritten by the Sudanese musician Hussam Abdel Salam
And the performance of the artist Hani Abdeen and was filmed on the island of (Defi) in northern Sudan
A tribute to the spirit of the Nubian artist Hamza Aladdin
And they linked the unity of Nubia in the north and south with the Nile, with a single cultural identity


رابط النسخة الاصلية للاغنية
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Director & Dop
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2021

#Music
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Everyone in Uganda is entitled to free medicine to combat killer diseases like malaria. Despite Government efforts to improve access to essential medicines, a significant number of people have to use private facilities because of frequent stockouts.

BBC Africa Eye headed undercover to expose one of the reasons why there is shortage of life saving drugs – medicine theft by medical professionals.

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Slave codes were a method of protecting the investment of white enslavers in the Colonies by restricting the lives of enslaved people in almost every imaginable way. The codes restricted enslaved people’s ability to move around, or engage in commerce that could make them financially independent - they restricted the very opportunities that would allow them to live with even relative freedom. Today, we'll learn about how Colonies put laws in place to restrict the movement and freedoms of both enslaved people and free Black people alike.

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VIDEO SOURCES

-Ira Berlin, Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
-John Hope Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom: A History of Negro Americans (New York: Knopf, 1967).
-Claude M. Steele, Whistling Vivaldi: How Stereotypes Affect Us and What We Can Do (Reprint Edition ed. 2011).
-Black Codes and Slave Codes, Colonial, , Oxford African American Studies Center , http://oxfordaasc.com/view/10.....1093/acref/978019530
-Peter H. Wood, Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 through the Stono Rebellion (New York: W.W. Norton, 1974).
-Jennifer L. Morgan, Partus sequitur ventrem: Law, Race, and Reproduction in Colonial Slavery, 22 Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 1–17 (2018).

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